Wednesday, December 19, 2007

Holiday VP Picks

Republicans

Giulani-Soprano
Romney-Haggard
McCain-Dracula
Huckabee-Fife (Barney)
Tancredo-Marilyn Manson

Democrats

Clinton-Clinton (who do you think will actually be VP, anyway?)
Obama-Erkel
Edwards-Vigoda (Beauty and the Beast)
Kucinich-Chomsky
Gravel-Stockdale ("He could still suprise ya!")
Richardson-Smits
Biden-Your High School Principal

Did I miss anyone? Oh well.

Happy Holidays.

And please, God, let us stop hearing about Iowa. I mean, it's Iowa!

Monday, December 3, 2007

Rove at Newsweek? Is Newsweek on its Last Legs?


Maybe Newsweek is in financial trouble. I find it quite incredible that Newsweek would be willing to tarnish its journalistic reputation by hiring Karl Rove as a commentator. Rove is one of the last decade's most ingenious manipulators of the press. This is not in dispute. He was a master of limiting access to journalists, leaking when it served the Administration, and disclosing sensitive information to protect the Administration's war agenda. He gave public speeches in support of Republican candidates using the war as political propaganda while he repeatedly insinuated that anyone, especially Democrats, who did not support the Administration agenda was in league with terrorism. He was a confirming source of Valerie Plame's identity to Robert Novak and an originating source to Matt Cooper.

Karl Rove is the closest the United States has ever come to having a full time propagandist on the public payroll. That Newsweek would so easily give him a public microphone speaks volumes about the mainstream media, and Newsweek in particular.

Wednesday, November 21, 2007

Lapdogs of the Corporate Press!

Turn off that football game and get some truth!

Friday, November 2, 2007

Nominee Goes A Boardin'


After weeks of pretending not to know what "waterboarding" is, and if it constitutes torture, the nominee for the highest law enforcement position today volunteered to be subjected to the procedure today, Senate officials said. "This is the only way I can stop the terrorists," said the nominee. "If I remain comfortable and ignorant as my minions rain blows and tortures down on my fellow man, I'm no better than a common criminal. You know, like Cheney. I could never live with that."


In preparation for the experiment, an old dunking booth from the Washington Mall 1899 fairgrounds was brought out of storage, hosed down, and filled with water drained from the Supreme Court pool.


"We're gonna strap him down, and ride 'em 'til he's pink!" said a CIA agent from Texas who preferred to remain anonymous.


Staffers in John Conyers office are eager waiting to transcribe what Mukasey reveals under the procedure.


About his nominee, Bush said, "He's a good man. We can't give in to terror. I'm confident that Judge Muskasey will not sob like a Huntsville inmate. God, I hate that."



The dunking will begin 9 a.m. Friday.

Tuesday, October 30, 2007

Journalism and its Discontents

Sidney Blumenthal's afterward to the newly-released volume of Walter Lippmann's Liberty and the News has been published on Salon. It is a powerful piece of writing. In it, Blumenthal includes a history of Lippmann's career -- and ties is writing directly to the crisis we now face.

"Everywhere today," Lippmann wrote in Liberty and the News, "men are conscious that somehow they must deal with questions more intricate than any that church or school had prepared them to understand. Increasingly they know that they cannot understand them if the facts are not quickly and steadily available. Increasingly they are baffled because the facts are not available; and they are wondering whether government by consent can survive in a time when the manufacture of consent is an unregulated private enterprise."

Lippmann had witnessed firsthand how the "manufacture of consent" had deranged democracy. But he did not hold those in government solely responsible. He also described how the press corps was carried away on the wave of patriotism and became self-censors, enforcers, and sheer propagandists. Their careerism, cynicism, and error made them destroyers of "liberty of opinion" and agents of intolerance, who subverted the American constitutional system of self-government. Even the great newspaper owners, he wrote, "believe that edification is more important than veracity. They believe it profoundly, violently, relentlessly. They preen themselves upon it. To patriotism, as they define it from day to day, all other considerations must yield. That is their pride. And yet what is this but one more among myriad examples of the doctrine that the end justifies the means? A more insidiously misleading rule of conduct was, I believe, never devised among men."


Be sure to check it out.

Saturday, October 27, 2007

Bob Drogin's Curveball


Great interview with Diane Rehm about the shadowy figure "Curveball"
who supplied German intelligence with false information to be granted
asylum from Iraq.
As Drogin's book makes clear, the lies of this man were just the
catalyst many were looking for to fulfill the false pretext for war
in Iraq.
It's also clear from this interview that Colin Powell has a lot to
answer for, and that George "Medal of Honor" Freedom is about as low
a form of life as you could ever want keeping you safe.
Interview is here: http://www.wamu.org/programs/dr/07/10/22.php#13773

Wednesday, October 24, 2007

William Kristol on Iraq: Wrong, wrong, wrong: 2003-7



Here is a great blog post chronicling how wrong Kristol has been, over and over again.

Why is he on TV, in print, or anywhere at all, given this track record?


Here's a snippet:

Kristol has indeed been so consistently wrong that one can safely discount his current euphoria on the principle that even a stopped clock is right twice a day....But on the other hand, it turns out that anyone who wanted to understand Washington and Iraq during the last four years should have been reading Kristol. In detailing the arguments raging in Washington-arguments in which he has emerged as one of the victors-he was way ahead of me, and of just about anyone else that I can remember. The man may be an ideologue who has been repeatedly wrong, but he's well-connected and very much in tune with President Bush, and during the last four years he has triumphed over his enemies in the bureaucracy and the older generation-leaving the American people, of course, stuck with the bill.

Wednesday, October 17, 2007

Diane Rehm interviews Paul Krugman

New book: The Conscience of a Liberal

What does it mean to be a liberal? Why should one be proud of this word?

Universal healthcare.

A society which asks its rich (and everyone else) to contribute to the general welfare.

The principle that we are better individually when we take care of each other, rather than letting the young, old, weak, and sick fend for themselves.

It should be a pretty old idea for a nation that understands its own religious principles about peace and justice, but somehow these ideas have be argued for again and again.

Krugman does a good job of making the case.

The interview is here: http://wamu.org/programs/dr/07/10/15.php#13763

Tuesday, October 16, 2007

Arianna Huffington Interviews Nancy Pelosi

You can watch her answer the question: "Are you too well-behaved to get us out of Iraq?"

The Arc of History Bends Towards Justice

Andrew Leonard has a review up on Salong about Paul Krugman's new book, The Conscience of a Liberal.

Leonard says Krugman's book takes on the notion that American politics simply swings back and forth, and doesn't respond to situations, or movements, or political action.

... the most meta-level of all political economy arguments is the one that says that transient shifts in political direction don't really make that much of a difference to fundamental long-range changes in things like inequality. To this school, the rise and fall of inequality in the United States is like plate tectonics -- you can observe it, and try to understand it, but you can't actually do much about it.

To which Krugman convincingly says: Hogwash. The gross inequality of the Gilded Age that led up to the Great Depression morphed into a stunningly middle-class economy because of concrete initiatives forced through via Roosevelt's New Deal. The growing inequality of the past 30 years is directly attributable to policies enacted by the conservatives who first broke through with Ronald Reagan and reached their apogee with George W. Bush.

Middle-class societies don't emerge automatically as an economy matures, they have to be created through political action.


The corollary is that they can also be destroyed.


Krugman concludes: "Republicans increase economic inequality, Democrats decrease it, and so, politics matter."

He ties the long running disputes between the parties of race and civil rights to specific policy disagreements today, like health insurance. (He says Republicans originally opposed national health insurance, in the 1960s, because they feared it would lead to desegregated hospitals.) Leonard sums up 100 years of GOP history: "The transformation of the party of Lincoln to the party of Willie Horton is one of the abiding tragedies of American political history."

But Krugman believes this is a good time to be a progressive. And one signal trend on which he pins his hopes is increasing diversity among Americans, and a general tolerance toward each other.

Beyond the blunt, crude fact that America is getting less white, there's a more uplifting reason to believe that the political exploitation of race may be losing its force: As a nation we've become much less racist. The most dramatic evidence of diminishing racism is the way people respond to questions about a subject that once struck terror into white hearts: miscegenation. In 1978, as the ascent of movement conservatism to power was just beginning, only 36 percent of Americans polled by Gallup approved of marriages between whites and blacks, while 54 percent disapproved. As late as 1991 only a plurality of 48 percent approved. By 2002, however, 65 percent of Americans approved of interracial marriages; by June 2007, that was up to 77 percent.


We could certainly be in better hands than the current Democratic Party to seize this moment. But, if Krugman is correct, history seems to be on our side.

Monday, October 15, 2007

A Map of the Federal Budget

If you've ever wondered what the federal discretionary budget "looks" like, here's a great map. It divides the budget into its major categories, connects them to their subdivisions, and depicts them to scale.

It's particularly helpful to give some proportion to things that take up a very small portion of the budget, but an enormous portion of the right-wing's vitriol. The anecdote that justifies their hatred of government, even though it's a sliver of a sliver of the budget.

What will our interrogators say when they're 90?

Frank Rich, in his NYT column, quotes some World War II interrogators who kept their humanity while questioning some of the most ruthless people in history. This whole argument that "9/11 changed everything," and our Constitution has become a "suicide pact," ignores and betrays the courage Americans have shown throughout our history. (h/t Steve Benen.)

Our moral trajectory over the Bush years could not be better dramatized than it was by a reunion of an elite group of two dozen World War II veterans in Washington this month. They were participants in a top-secret operation to interrogate some 4,000 Nazi prisoners of war. Until now, they have kept silent, but America's recent record prompted them to talk to The Washington Post.

"We got more information out of a German general with a game of chess or Ping-Pong than they do today, with their torture," said Henry Kolm, 90, an M.I.T. physicist whose interrogation of Rudolf Hess, Hitler's deputy, took place over a chessboard. George Frenkel, 87, recalled that he "never laid hands on anyone" in his many interrogations, adding, "I'm proud to say I never compromised my humanity."

Our humanity has been compromised by those who use Gestapo tactics in our war. The longer we stand idly by while they do so, the more we resemble those "good Germans" who professed ignorance of their own Gestapo. It's up to us to wake up our somnambulant Congress to challenge administration policy every day. Let the war's last supporters filibuster all night if they want to. There is nothing left to lose except whatever remains of our country's good name.

Sunday, October 14, 2007

Film Review: Randy and the Mob

I saw a screening of the movie, Randy and the Mob at the Austin Film Festival on Saturday. It's a pretty funny southern comedy by Ray McKinnon. If you're not familiar with him, he's best known as a director for a short film called The Accountant, but he's had a pretty successful career as a character actor. He played Vernon Waldrip (Holly Hunter's new fiance) in Oh Brother Where Art Thou. He also had a role on the HBO Series Deadwood, as Reverend Smith.

This movie is set in the south, and it makes fun of some standard southern stereotypes that are often funny, but only appreciated by southerners when another southerner is the one poking the fun. Fortunately for McKinnon, he's from Georgia, so he's securely in the make fun of the south with impunity club. As far as the plot goes it's pretty much a standard man gets into distress, gets out of distress and undergoes a transformation in the process plot line. The story is well put together, but it's really a vehicle to showcase the characters. McKinnon plays two roles, Randy, and his gay brother, Cecil. He really does a great job with both characters. Walton Goggins (best known for the role of Shane Vendrell on the TV series, The Shield) plays the most unusual character, a mobster named Tino Armani. This performance is almost robotic and devoid of emotion, yet this character has the majority of the most insightful and revealing lines in the movie. It's certainly not a believable portrayal of a normal human being, but if you can suspend disbelief, the robotic deadpan performance is an enjoyable addition to the movie.

If you're in the mood for Bergman or Kubrick, this isn't the right choice, but if you just want to relax and laugh a bit without thinking too much, I would recommend this movie to anyone. I think it has a bit of a Coen brothers type feel to it. Hopefully, you guys will have the opportunity to see it sometime soon. In the Q&A, the director said that he does have distribution, although right now it is limited to Georgia. I'm sure it will show up at your local independent theater or artsy movie rental joint sooner or later.

Why Gore Should Run



There's a lot of speculation going on about whether Gore will or should run.

I have no idea what he will do, but I think it's clear he should run.

There are several reasons.

First, there is no more powerful position to advance nearly any political agenda than the White House. As a public figure, Gore may grab the media's attention or they may tire of him. As president, he has the spotlight every day. Will people stop saying that "he can do more as a public figure"? That is pure B.S.

Second, many of the obstacles in the environmental movement have come from America's inability or unwillingness to sign on to international treaties, push for more regulation of CAFE standards, clean air, water, mercury, forest, mining, and other industries. For God's sake, the country has been in the hands of lobbyists for six years. Could there be a more important moment to get Gore in the White House and Robert Kennedy Jr. in the Cabinet? Seriously.

Third, it's not too late. He has enormous name recognition, big money connections, and now a slew of awards that guarantee that his intellect is listened to.

Finally, why not try now? He's young, still, and his fame can't get any greater. I could see Richardson as the running mate--a Hispanic with enormous international diplomacy credentials.

Do you have the stones, Al?

Friday, October 12, 2007

Wednesday, October 10, 2007

War By the Numbers

Patricia Sullivan, assistant professor at the University of Georgia, has completed a major study of all 122 wars and military conflicts since World War II in which a major power was in conflict with a weaker power. She found the weaker power prevails 39 percent of the time.

“If you know some key variables—like the major objective, the nature of the target, whether there’s going to be another strong state that will intervene on the side of the target and whether you’ll have an ally—you can get a sense of your probability of victory,” said Sullivan, whose study appears in the Journal of Conflict Resolution.

Sullivan said the most important factor influencing whether the more powerful nation will be successful is whether its strategic objective can be accomplished with brute force alone or requires the cooperation of the adversary.


What does her research say about the current conflict in Iraq?

Sullivan said several factors contribute to the relatively low probability of success in the current Iraq war. Most importantly, the objective requires the support of the population and can’t be accomplished by force alone. Factional infighting, the insurgency and possible insurgent support by countries such as Iran and Syria further undermine the chance of success.

“No one could have predicted exactly what would happen after we overthrew the regime of Saddam Hussein,” Sullivan said. “But what my model could say was that if the population was not supportive of whatever new regime we put in power and the American strategic objective shifted from regime removal to maintaining the authority of a new government, the likelihood of a successful outcome would drop from almost 70 percent to just under 26 percent.”


So, if relying on brute force lowers your likelihood of success, does that mean the "surge" wasn't such a great idea after all? Hmmm.

What is a Group Blog?

A blog where a GROUP of people post regularly to the blog.

Just in case anyone was confused.

Tuesday, October 9, 2007

The New Mellencamp Video

The mayor of Jena says this video is just going too far. But the KKK rally in his town last week was nothing to be concerned about.

Monday, October 8, 2007

November, by Robert Frost

November

We saw leaves go to glory,
Then almost migratory
Go part way down the lane,
And then to end the story
Get beaten down and pasted
In one wild day of rain.

We heard " 'Tis Over" roaring.
A year of leaves was wasted.
Oh, we made a boast of storing,
Of saving and keeping,
But only by ignoring
The waste of moments sleeping,
The waste of pleasure weeping,
By denying and ignoring
The waste of nations warring.

Saturday, September 29, 2007

Fat Man Poesy


Canny shrimp whistled their pale hellos, and we thanked them with tins of biscuits, canned fruits, and simple staples. Checkered napkins made bibs for Mormons as the pancake syrup was passed around a klatch of swarthy Popeyes in a pigtailed ziggurat of frenzied smiles tunnelling through the manfolk like a wavicle.

Stop Smiling

Just found a really interesting Web site with a good blog. Stop Smiling covers a wide range of subjects, especially culture and politics. (One of their blog tags is "Amusing Ourselves to Death.")

Definitely worth checking out.

Thursday, September 27, 2007

Bill Clinton on the MoveOn ad

Why, oh why, can't he run again? Bill needs to talk to all the Democrats who voted to vilify MoveOn -- what could they possibly have been thinking?

Watch the video of his interview with Anderson Cooper.

Tuesday, September 25, 2007

How Democrats Need to Talk about the War

This is the best political thing I've read in, well a long, long time. If you can get behind the firewall, you can find the original at the New Republic's Web site.



Rethinking Democratic Strategy on Iraq
New Democrats
by Drew Westen


With the curtains finally closing on the limited engagement of Waiting for Petraeus, and Republicans feeling emboldened by the diversion his testimony created (and the cover it gave them for continuing to "stay the course"), Democrats in Congress are searching once again for a strategy on Iraq. Ever since their fateful decision in May not to call the President's bluff when he upped the ante by 30,000 troops, they have left themselves with two choices. One is to vote their conscience, which happens to coincide with what the American people asked them to do in 2006. The other is to take incremental steps, such as the proposal by Virginia Senator Jim Webb that would have required that our men and women in uniform be allowed to spend as much time in the arms of their families in between revolving tours of duty as they do in the crosshairs of warring Iraqi militants. Yesterday, however, the Republicans made clear that, with the President at 29 percent in the latest polls but the Congress at 11 percent, they'd take their chances and filibuster any attempt by the Democrats to make Congress relevant to questions of war and peace--and in the process to continue branding the Democrats as impotent and ineffectual.

Of course, the Democrats have not threatened to take many incremental steps that would pose any real political risks to themselves. One, for example, would be to hold real hearings on whether there is any way to avoid reinstatement of the draft and maintain our national security if we continue an indefinite presence in Iraq, so that the American people begin to connect voting Republican with realistic anxiety about the lives and well-being of their teenage children. (The question Democrats have never asked Republicans since the war began is the only one that really matters: Would you send your own child to die in Iraq? And if so, have you done everything you can to convince your children that, if this is truly the war you say it is--for our freedom, for our very way of life, to keep the terrorists "over there" so that we don't fight them "over here"--they should drop their lucrative investment banking careers and be all they can be in Baghdad? Surely, with American freedom at stake, Jenna Bush could wait a few months to don her wedding gown and spend some time in army fatigues.) And while we're on our children, as Congress considers yet another supplemental appropriations bill for the war, the least Democrats can do this time around for our children, grandchildren, and generations yet unborn is to stop taxing them for this war (which is what deficit-spending for a war is), and to require that Bush and the Republicans put their money where their mouth is: Tell us whose taxes they're going to raise to pay not only for the next hundred billion dollars but for the half a trillion they have already spent from the piggy-banks of the innocent.

Word in Washington last week, sent out in trial balloons in the press, was that Democrats were trying to find a "middle ground" that members of both parties could sign onto. The reasons offered for compromise with a minority party holding a decidedly minority position on an unpopular war were various: heading off a potential Republican filibuster (which, it turned out, didn't work on the Webb amendment, although at least Republicans are on record now as anti-military in a way that should be the centerpiece of ads in every race in every state and district in 2008); not wanting to play a game of chicken with a president who feels confident, based on past experience, that he can veto with impunity any bill with realistic strings attached (e.g., accountability) that prevents him from going on any more surges or splurges without adult supervision; worrying not only about the real likelihood but about being blamed for it if and when things turn even uglier in Iraq once we leave; worrying about being branded as weak on national security by "losing the war" or "failing to support our troops" (which Republicans will do no matter when and how Democrats get around to ending the war); and fearing what will happen if we "back down" in Iraq and then a terrorist strike hits the U.S. (which at some point it surely will, and Republicans will blame the Democrats for being "weak on terror").

The common denominator to all of these scenarios, however, is fear, primarily of how Republicans will brand Democrats if they take one course of action or another. Since the lead-up to the Iraq war, Democrats have repeatedly concluded--from their support of the war resolution in October 2002 (when Republicans made clear that anyone who opposed the president would become the target of a "soft-on-terror" attack in the upcoming election), to their refusal to make an issue of Iraq or even of Abu Ghraib in the presidential campaign of 2004, to their confusing mix of responses last week to the predictable testimony of a general who had already declared his partisanship in a 2004 op-ed piece published just before the election and had shown repeatedly that he looks at Iraq through rose-colored glasses, not through infrared night goggles--that the best response is caution.

But Democrats have everything to fear from fear itself. "Compromise" legislation on Iraq that draws down four or five thousand of the additional troops Congress gave the president the authority to add six months ago may feel like compromise to Democratic congressional leaders. Unfortunately, it feels like cowardice and betrayal to their constituents. In May of this year, armed with a mandate to end the war, and heralded with a flourish of tough rhetoric, Democrats sent the president a bill that would have given him the money to conduct his war but imposed some real conditions on it. When he vetoed it, Democrats backed down, and the American people meted out swift and immediate justice. Whereas at the beginning of May a majority of Americans held favorable attitudes toward the Democratic Congress, within days of the Iraq War vote the percentage of Americans who still felt that way dropped to 44. It wasn't just partisan Democrats who were dismayed with their leaders, expressed in an 18 percent plunge in approval ratings. Whereas Independents were equally split at the beginning of May in their approval or disapproval of the Democrats in Congress (49 to 48 percent), by the end of May the percent with favorable attitudes had dropped to 37 percent, and the majority (54 percent) now disapproved of Democratic stewardship. Democrats were stung as the polls continued to plummet, with a substantial majority of Americans seeing the Congress as doing "business as usual," despite achievements like the minimum wage increase. Unfortunately, they hid that legislation in the fine print of the Iraq war appropriation, and hence failed to capitalize on either public support for it or the political benefits of putting Republican incumbents on the record opposing it). Americans were focused on bringing our troops home, and they didn't notice much that Democrats had succeeded in bringing home a little more bacon for the working poor.

With such clear data from the polls, you might think that Democratic strategists would ask themselves whether there was a flaw in their strategic calculations. After all, Democrats pride themselves on the use of data to make decisions, and the evidence was indisputable that their capitulation to the president had backfired. But prominent Democratic strategists came to a very different conclusion. Stuart Rothenberg, editor of the Rothenberg Political Report, both echoed and enunciated the conventional wisdom:

Now that the dust has settled on the Congressional vote on the supplemental appropriations bill and on the ruckus that anti-war opponents of the bill kicked up, it's time to assess the political implications.

First, Democratic leaders on Capitol Hill played the issue like a Stradivarius. They forced a vote on a deadline for withdrawal from Iraq, putting Republicans on record supporting the status quo and President Bush, but allowed a subsequent vote to "fund the troops." That gave their own Members from swing districts the opportunity to demonstrate their support for the military.

From a purely political point of view, Democrats had their cake and ate it too. Yes, the war is unpopular, and opposing it is a no-brainer. But the one thing Democrats need to avoid is looking like themselves during the 1970s and 1980s--weak and unwilling to support America's men and women in uniform...

So, in ignoring the demands of the party's left, Congressional leaders have kept their party right where they want it--against the war but also against terrorists and for the troops...

Why take a chance alienating swing voters when the party already made its point by sending the president a deadline bill that he vetoed?


If that is what a Stradivarius sounds like, I would hate to hear a broken fiddle. On several trips to Washington, including one immediately after the Iraq vote, I heard the same kinds of rationalizations for a failed political strategy, even after the poll numbers showed so clearly that the strategy did not have its desired effect: capturing the center.

So what's wrong with this kind of strategic thinking? Perhaps most importantly, it's easy to forget that these are lives we're talking about. You don't count the numbers of potential congressional seats you might win or lose when the result is that you'll be counting bodies. Democrats should pass a bill, call it what it is (the "Protection of Our Men and Women in Uniform Act"), stick with it until the president signs it into law or enough Republicans, fearing for their political lives, jump ship and vote for it, and start a running tally of the number of dead and wounded American soldiers since [fill in your Republican incumbent's name here] failed to support our troops by taking them out of the middle of someone else's civil war. If Republicans want to filibuster, let them live with the consequences as the name and photograph of every new fallen solder is tied to the person at the podium, as it should be.

But even from a strictly political standpoint, the major problem with the strategic thinking that has guided Democrats since the new millennium is that, empirically, it doesn't work. If the goal, as Rothenberg suggested (and others voiced to the press), was to avoid alienating swing voters, it was a dismal failure. As evidenced by the poll results on Independents immediately after the Iraq War vote in May, Democrats lost the center. And this kind of strategic thinking hasn't worked since 2002. The only time Democrats have won since then was in 2006, when their candidates began ignoring the advice of party strategists and pollsters who told them to "take Iraq off the table" and instead made it the centerpiece of their campaigns.

If you think in conventional political terms, you can't understand why a middle-of-the-road stand wouldn't appeal to the middle of the political road (i.e., the center). But if you start instead by asking a psychological question--what do voters infer about you from your actions, and how are they likely to feel in light of those inferences?--the results have been completely predictable. What's wrong with the conventional wisdom is that it assumes that people listen to the words of politicians rather than their deeds and demeanor. When, in May, Democrats offered rationalizations about not having the votes to override a veto, "strong words" about reservations about the Iraq appropriations bill with one hand while nevertheless voting for it with the other, comments to the media about not wanting to be accused of failing to support our troops with Memorial Day approaching, and most importantly, when they backed down after they had repeatedly stated their principled opposition to the war, they did nothing but to underscore the message Americans--appropriately--took away from the Iraq war vote in May, and will do again if Democrats continue to back down: that Democrats lack the courage of their convictions. Conventional political calculations leave out the most important messages our leaders send with their communications: meta-messages that convey what they are really doing or feeling.

The way to win the center on national security is not to try to craft centrist positions on national security. Particularly in the post-9/11 era, Americans want leaders who will decisively pull the trigger. But "pulling the trigger" today doesn't mean rattling our sabers almost as loud as the GOP, or complaining that we don't have the votes when we have the majority. Americans may not understand the subtleties of cloture, but they get the gist: that they handed the ball off to the party that's now in the majority, who they expected to run with the ball instead of consistently playing defense. The way to project strength on national security and to win back the Reagan Democrats who voted for Bill Clinton (despite his draft record) and flirted with the Democratic Party again in 2006 is to exude strength, particularly in the face of aggression, whether that aggression is from al Qaeda or from a bully in his bully pulpit.

Virginia Senator Jim Webb, hardly the leading liberal in the Senate, has taken a position on the war that, in conventional terms, would be construed as a hard left-hand turn. He and Ted Kennedy both opposed the war from the beginning, for similar reasons, and continue to oppose it vehemently today. But it isn't Webb's "leftism" on the war or his centrism on other issues that have won him the center on Iraq or other national security issues. Nor is it just his authority as a former soldier and Secretary of the Navy, although that certainly helps. It's his manner, what he conveys as he's speaking about the war and those who continue to sell it, as when he took the president apart in his response to the State of the Union address, or when he ate Lindsey Graham for an early brunch on Meet the Press. You demonstrate that you can lead on national security by letting people see the veins in your neck bulge when they damned well ought to bulge, and by showing that you can and will stand up to anybody who messes with you and what matters to you--like our troops. What Democrats most need to understand as they chart a course for Iraq policy in the coming days is that it almost doesn't matter what position you take, just so long as it isn't the fetal position--or readily perceived as cowering in the corner or up against the ropes.

Rothenberg's analysis illustrates yet another way Democrats tend to think about political strategy that repeatedly leads them to find themselves outflanked, as they have just been once again on Iraq. Part of the political artistry of the move that lost them so much ground in the polls in May, he suggests, is that Democrats put Republicans on record supporting the unpopular president and his unpopular war while allowing a subsequent vote to "fund the troops." Thus, Democrats were on record as "against the war but also against terrorists and for the troops," giving Democrats from swing districts "the opportunity to demonstrate their support for the military." (Of course, this analysis ignores the fact that the Republicans were already on record supporting the war. That's why they lost the 2006 midterm election. The people who were really on record by virtue of their first war vote of 2006 were the Democrats.)

The problem with this analysis is that it accepts the "branding" of the Republican "product line" on national security (in this case, Iraq): that to support the troops is to support the war. Central to the Republican branding strategy on Iraq was to associate "support the troops" with "support the war in Iraq," much as they had led people to associate the war in Iraq with the war against Al Qaeda by linking the two via the phrase "the war on terror." It was no accident that the White House wanted General Petraeus to testify on Iraq on September 11, 2007, and it showed an extraordinary lack of psychological understanding that the Democratic leadership allowed him to do so, reinforcing associations Democrats only began to break last year around this time between 9/11 and the war in Iraq. (If you don't believe me, think of the television coverage that night, which alternated between stories on September 11 and the Iraq war hearings; or Petraeus' constant emphasis on Al Qaeda in Iraq, who weren't there until 2005, and are only a small piece of the broader problem of sectarian violence). Republicans have been so successful in establishing these associative links in the minds of voters that not only have Democrats been afraid to challenge them but they have frequently used them themselves. In linguist George Lakoff's terms, Democrats accepted the frame Republicans so cleverly crafted in the phrase, "support the troops," which implies that the only way to show support for the military is to support its deployment in Iraq--as if the alternative to funding the war were to cut off our soldiers' supply lines and let them starve. To put it slightly differently, Democrats allowed Republicans to associate two unrelated ideas (supporting our military and supporting an ill-conceived war) so that the feelings attached to the former would become associated with the latter, and anyone who opposed the latter would by definition be un-American.

It wouldn't have been difficult for Democrats to offer a counter-narrative about what it means to support our troops that would have given a very different emotional meaning to that phrase--and charted a new course for public sentiment on Iraq. Americans have been waiting for an alternative story from the Democrats since the war began to turn south by late 2003, and they would have welcomed Democrats as liberators if they had offered one by the spring of 2007:

You want to know what it means to support our troops? Don't send them to die in someone else's civil war. You want to know what it means to support our troops? Don't make their families take up a collection for their body armor. You want to know what it means to support our troops? Armor their vehicles, so that they don't come back without their lives or limbs. You want to know what it means to support our troops? Honor their service when they come home injured, and don't warehouse them with cockroaches in Walter Reed Hospital. You want to know what it means to support our troops? When they give up their lives for their country, don't whisk them in the middle of the night onto the shores they will never again see, hiding their bodies as if you're ashamed of their service, because it's bad for "public relations" for people to see the costs of war. Proudly display our heroes when they return to our soil like every American administration has done for over 200 years. You want to know what it means to support our troops? Attend their funerals, and put your arms around their grieving parents, spouses, and children, and shed a tear with them. And you really want to know what it means to support our troops? Bring them home.

If Democrats want to win back the center, they will need to stop thinking in terms of right and left and start thinking in terms of right and wrong. You don't vote for a bill you believe is fundamentally wrong. You don't vote for an appropriations bill that kills our soldiers in the name of supporting them. You don't vote repeatedly for bills that deface the Constitution.

The Democratic leadership needs to ask themselves only two questions in deciding what to do next on Iraq. The first is whether they would send their own child to die in this war. If the answer is no, they need to vote as if every soldier were their child. That's what it means to support our troops. And that's all they need to tell the American people.

If, on the other hand, they go back to trying to find some kind of compromise legislation designed to bring enough Republicans over to their side to get a bill through Congress, they will first need to figure out what compelling narrative they can offer the American people about how their vote is principled rather than opportunistic. There may be such a narrative out there somewhere, but I haven't heard one yet. Whatever it might be, it needs to offer an emotionally compelling reason for compromising between ten thousand more American soldiers wounded or buried in the next year and none.

Drew Westen is professor of psychology and psychiatry at Emory University and founder of Westen Strategies. He is the author of The Political Brain: The Role of Emotion in Deciding the Fate of the Nation.

Saturday, September 22, 2007

Next time I fly, I'm carrying Bush's autobiography just to stay on the safe side


Where are the libertarian Republicans when they're most needed?

Powerless, it seems, to rein in the current Republican/Authoritarians.

A startling article.

Collecting of Details on Travelers Documented, U.S. Effort More Extensive Than Previously Known
By Ellen Nakashima
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, September 22, 2007; A01

it is here. 07092102347_pf.html

Friday, September 21, 2007

Olbermann's Special Comment

Last night's Comment was particularly helpful. I'm trying to think of the last time Bush or his people actually responded to the substance of the criticism against him; instead, he always tries to make it seem inappropriate to even have disagreed. That's how he handled the presidential debates, his war critics, and everything else. (Well, actually, now that I think of it, he does sometimes respond the the substance of an argument by lying -- think: "tax cuts actually reduce the deficit.")

Olbermann nails it last night:

Sunday, September 16, 2007

Powell: "We are taking too much counsel of our fears"

GQ has an interesting interview with Collin Powell. Obviously, he's trying to redeem his name -- along with everyone else who's been diminished by coming in contact with this Administration. He has good stuff to say about the war. Where was this when he could have made a difference?

What is the greatest threat facing us now? People will say it’s terrorism. But are there any terrorists in the world who can change the American way of life or our political system? No. Can they knock down a building? Yes. Can they kill somebody? Yes. But can they change us? No. Only we can change ourselves. So what is the great threat we are facing?

I would approach this differently, in almost Marshall-like terms. What are the great opportunities out there—ones that we can take advantage of? It should not be just about creating alliances to deal with a guy in a cave in Pakistan. It should be about how do we create institutions that keep the world moving down a path of wealth creation, of increasing respect for human rights, creating democratic institutions, and increasing the efficiency and power of market economies? This is perhaps the most effective way to go after terrorists. [...]

We are taking too much counsel of our fears.

This doesn’t mean there isn’t a terrorist threat. There is a threat. And we should send in military forces when we have a target to deal with. We should also secure our airports, if that makes us safer. But let’s welcome every foreign student we can get our hands on. Let’s make sure that foreigners come to the Mayo Clinic here, and not the Mayo facility in Dubai or somewhere else. Let’s make sure people come to Disney World and not throw them up against the wall in Orlando simply because they have a Muslim name. Let’s also remember that this country was created by immigrants and thrives as a result of immigration, and we need a sound immigration policy.

Let’s show the world a face of openness and what a democratic system can do. That’s why I want to see Guantánamo closed. It’s so harmful to what we stand for. We literally bang ourselves in the head by having that place. What are we doing this to ourselves for? Because we’re worried about the 380 guys there? Bring them here! Give them lawyers and habeas corpus. We can deal with them. We are paying a price when the rest of the world sees an America that seems to be afraid and is not the America they remember.

You can drive up the road from here and come to a spot where there is a megachurch over here, a little Episcopal church over there, a Catholic church around the corner that’s almost cathedral-size, and between them is a huge Hindu temple. There are no police needed to guard any of this. There are not many places in the world where you would see that. Yes, there are a few dangerous nuts in Brooklyn and New Jersey who want to blow up Kennedy Airport and Fort Dix. These are dangerous criminals, and we must deal with them. But come on, this is not a threat to our survival! The only thing that can really destroy us is us. We shouldn’t do it to ourselves, and we shouldn’t use fear for political purposes—scaring people to death so they will vote for you, or scaring people to death so that we create a terror-industrial complex.


And the surge?

You can surge all of the American troops you want, but they can’t stop this. Suppose I’m a battalion commander. My troops ask, "What do I do today, boss?" "Let’s go fight the Shia militias!" "What do I do tomorrow?" "Let’s go fight the Sunni insurgents!" "What do I do the day after tomorrow?" "Let’s go chase Al Qaeda!" "What do we do the day after that?" "We’re going to guard streets!" Our kids are fantastic. But this is not sustainable. Our surge can work only with an Iraqi political and military surge.


This is great stuff. It would have meant a lot more if he had said it when it took courage to say. He tafficked in some pretty horrible stuff when he weilded actual power, and not just his opinion.

John Edwards: Transformational Leadership

Eric Rauchway has a great article up on The New Republic about how Democrats can -- and Edwards already does -- address issues on their own terms, rather than according to the narrow confines they're given.

A crisis like the current credit crunch presents a political leader with a range of options. One can say that the banks, backstopped by the Federal Reserve, will sort things out--which with minor modifications remains the president's position. One can go further and note that the imbroglio in which markets now have us immersed results from a lack of regulation, and that reforms will prevent the problem from recurring--which was the position Barack Obama took in a Financial Times op-ed last week. Or a leader can go further still and urge us to ask whether the system that got us here truly reflects our values. Of all the Democratic presidential candidates, John Edwards is the one taking this approach, examining the gap between our core values and our actual practices.

According to a recent Time profile of Edwards, his advisor Joe Trippi tells reporters Edwards is running a "transformational" rather than a "transactional" campaign.


Citing James MacGregor Burns's 1978 classic Leadership, Trippi contrasts the "transactional" approach of other Democrats, which seek to offer minor modifications to the status quo, with the more ambitious aim of transforming our approach entirely.

Burns's transformational leader recognizes "that, whatever the separate interests persons might hold, they are presently or potentially united in the pursuit of 'higher' goals." This is the point of Edwards's "One America" trope. By drawing a distinction between "resigning ourselves to Two Americas or fighting for the One America we all believe in," he's drawing as explicit a distinction between transactional leadership and transformational leadership as a candidate can, saying we can accept what we have and fix it at the margins, or try for what we really want.


Edwards sees this as the true role of a leader in a democracy:

not selling a product to the public, but letting the public see plainly what it really wants. Edwards has organized his whole campaign around this principle. Betting that the current crisis--not just the credit debacle, but the mess in which the country finds itself at home and abroad, the unending legacy of Katrina and Iraq--amounts to a true opportunity for transformational leadership, he's trying to shift the debate away from procedure and toward ultimate goals. And it's a good bet to take. As in the civil rights era, we've reached a point where it will take more than a technical fix to right the system. Like Johnson, though, he's still going to need calculation, patience, and the cooperation of events if he wants Americans to agree.


Edwards is certainly the leader with ideas that are proportional to the challenges we face. Hopefully he can sell his vision to the voters -- because the Party leadership clearly can't think in these terms.
Here's an interesting summary of the politics of the war, at the Daily Brew. Basically, the Republicans know if they get blamed for losing the Iraq war, there is absolutely nothing else to run on, and they lose elections for at least as generation.

Democrats, on the other hand, are simply not adequate to this moment. Where they could conclusively bury the GOP and take over the policy agenda, they probably don't have what it takes.

The reality is that the Republicans told the American public a pack of lies to start an aggressive and illegal war of choice. Then they botched the job in every way imaginable, making sure that what was already likely to be a disaster would certainly become one. Now they are deliberately prolonging their folly, jacking up the costs in blood and treasure, all in a desperate effort to avoid paying the political price for admitting their failure. A moment’s reflection makes it perfectly clear why. The Republican Party can survive losing the war in Iraq. They cannot survive getting blamed for it.

I posed this question to a few political operative friends of mine, at least two of whom are Republicans, at lunch. “If the idea that the Republicans cannot be trusted with matters of National Security hardens into conventional wisdom, how exactly does the Republican Party ever win another national election?” There was no dissent. If the Republicans lose their edge on national security, the federal government is going to look like it did during the Roosevelt era for a decade, maybe two.

Karl Rove Republicans know this. They realize they cannot lose the war in Iraq and remain politically viable. They also realize that we are long past the time that anything that looks like a “victory” is going to be salvaged from the sands of Mesopotamia. So the battle is now over who is going to take the blame for the inevitable loss. And, as usual, the Republicans are playing three dimensional chess with lasers while the Democrats are pushing wooden checker pieces around the wrong board.


The way to play this isn't very difficult or complicated, but it requires a message discipline the Dems don't have.

If the Democratic leadership could look further than five minutes ahead, they wouldn’t argue that the war is already lost (even though it is). They wouldn’t argue that that the military isn’t making any real progress in Iraq (even though they aren’t). Nor would they argue that Bush and the Republicans are only prolonging the war so they can pass it on to Bush’s successor (even though they are).

Instead, Democrats should repeat into the camera at every single opportunity that the Bush administration’s sole strategic objective in continuing the war in Iraq is to avoid being blamed for losing it. By putting it this way, even the American public will understand what is going on. And when the time comes to pay the political price for this awful mess, the Republicans won’t be able to pass the bill on to someone else.


My prediction: The Dems will talk themselves out of the possibility of playing from a position of strength, and will hope to just squeak out a victory in 08. Does anyone seriously want to bet against that?

Quote of the Day

For Texas Monthly and GQ, I've profiled pedophiles, stalkers, serial rapists, prison gang members, and corrupt politicians. I didn't find it difficult to suspend judgment about President Bush and take him on his own terms."

--Robert Draper, author of the recently published Bush biography, Dead Certain

Alan Greenspan, left wing crazy? Or...




Alan Greenspan claims Iraq war was really for oil...
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article2461214.ece

I guess all those "lunatics" out protesting the Iraq war before it began with signs that said "No blood for oil" weren't all that crazy, eh? Let's see what the mainstream media does with this one.

E.J. Dionne and Todd Gitlin: This is a New Liberal Moment


Time to take back the label and fire up the foot soldiers:



http://chronicle.com/free/v54/i02/02b00601.htm DIONNE


http://chronicle.com/free/2007/09/2007090505n.htm GITLIN'S REPLY

Saturday, September 8, 2007

The Gatsby Presidency

After drawing comparisons between Bush and various historical precedents, James Dee, a retired classics professor at the University of Texas, sums up what may likely be history's verdict of the man.

One final upper-class trait completes the picture: the "do as you please, devil may care" mentality, expressing total indifference to the idea of personal responsibility. The next president, regardless of party, could do something about that deficiency by announcing on Jan. 20, 2009, that Bush has been appointed as the "war czar" for Iraq and Afghanistan.

These brutal conflicts are "Bush's Tar Baby," and he should not be allowed simply to wash his hands of them and just head for the Crawford ranch — in the manner of Tom and Daisy at the end of "The Great Gatsby": "They smashed things up and creatures and then retreated back into their money or their vast carelessness ... and let other people clean up the mess they had made."

Otherwise, a simple epigrammatic phrase, so far unknown to Google, may sum up the verdict of history: "overborn and underbred."


I don't know if I would wish it on the troops, but it is certainly an appropriate fate for the man.

Friday, September 7, 2007

Is Our Children Learning?

Miss Teen South Carolina: not me!






http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WALIARHHLII

Thursday, September 6, 2007

Just Another Case of Incompetence?

Apparently, nuclear warheads were flown today from North Dakota to Barksdale ARF, in Louisiana. Perhaps not a big deal, but Larry Johnson sees trouble.

Barksdale Air Force Base is being used as a jumping off point for Middle East operations. Gee, why would we want cruise missile nukes at Barksdale Air Force Base. Can’t imagine we would need to use them in Iraq. Why would we want to preposition nuclear weapons at a base conducting Middle East operations?

His final point was to observe that someone on the inside obviously leaked the info that the planes were carrying nukes. A B-52 landing at Barksdale is a non-event. A B-52 landing with nukes. That is something else.

Now maybe there is an innocent explanation for this? I can’t think of one. What is certain is that the pilots of this plane did not just make a last minute decision to strap on some nukes and take them for a joy ride. We need some tough questions and clear answers. What the hell is going on? Did someone at Barksdale thttp://www.blogger.com/img/gl.link.gifry to indirectly warn the American people that the Bush Administration is staging nukes for Iran? I don’t know, but it is a question worth asking.


This is obviously speculation -- and Josh Marshall says he has spoken with some experts who think it was all just the result of an innocent mixup. But if Bush's plans for Iran involve isotopes, this would clearly be a necessary step.

It's a strange mixup indeed that puts nuclear weapons at the airbase that's serving as the stateside staging ground for Middle East operations. How many cases do we have to witness where the "innocent" explanation is incompetence?

Tuesday, September 4, 2007

Deo gratias; School starts tomorrow!

Over here in Santa Fe, NM, my wife Susan and I are getting the kids back in to school for half days starting tomorrow morning, thus I'll be taxi-ing (literally) back in and out of downtown to two school locations twice a day. The fuel consumption aspects of that are quite the bummer for me, from expense side and emissions, too. A Prius doesn't sound too appealing, but maybe someday we'll find an alternative that works for us, space-wise.

Yesterday evening, Monday, we went to a pot luck for the incoming pre-k parents at the Waldorf School where my 4 year old daughter Elena will be going starting Wednesday, and I met some really cool people, and characteristically with private school parents, they were well-traveled (or well-originated): one couple were "anglos" with exotic names like the dad Tias and mom Surya. I was so off my game I would have guessed Ukrainian, but turns out they were...Pennsylvanian! Surya, she explained in well-rehearsed fashion, is Sanskrit for "something cool" (I can't remember) and Tias, I'm guessing, is short for something like Mattias. She and her husband were yoga instructors, as if the Sanskrit wasn't a clue. There was a double Greek American couple speaking Greek to their child Ianandra, a true son of Hercules if there ever was one -- the little dude was moving the larger furniture around to the dismay of his mom, but I'm sure she was used to it and feigning surprise. There was a local NM hispanic dude and his Russian (?) wife Raya having arrived back home from a Russia visit earlier that morning...how about the Dutch dude Jon-Willem that is a environmental consultant or Donald the waiter that works at Dominic's Cafe?

A big challenge for me nowadays meeting folks with different or unusual names is I'm getting hard of hearing, and can't infer or deduce the name from the usual list because I'm not catching the consonants very well. I often reply with the earnest, but bad acknowledgment of the name and the person (victim) re-states it a time or two. That probably makes me come across as the "bonehead-american" archetype, but it's really just the "live music lovin' and probably ear damaged american".

Still, though, I cut myself some slack since nowadays we're dealing with the whole dang world's pool of names -- they don't make it easy for a lazy introduction while eyeing the fruit platter or while distracted by unusual hatwear.

That's the fun of being in a private school environment, the primary common denominator is as nondescript as "opting in" to the classroom, but if you can swallow the whole Waldorf educational philosophy at the risk of the poor public school alternative, it appears to attract very like-minded people: largely progressive, mobile, often older parents in non-traditional careers or lives. There's no financial commonality, other than "struggling to pay for private school." But in return, you get a really diverse group of people from around the continent and around the world, with neat stories to tell, and often with cool little kids that probably have been exposed to a lot of positive things and experiences. Boys are still boys and girls are still girls, but since the parents take the time to "opt in" this educational environment to find the best option for their kids, they probably won't be satisfied sending these 4 year olds to school with a lunchables vacuu-pak and a coke in their lunchbox. In addition, these kids also eschew baggy pants, super-huge athletic wear and the requisite gangsta haircuts, too. And they don't talk like miners in HBO's Deadwood.

Why do I make these unjust caricatures of some kids? Well, my wife sometimes substitutes for pre-k or primary school at other local institutions and that's what she deals with in those environments.

I'm not saying there aren't many conscientious families and children in our public schools, but overall, the grouping is not unlike taking twenty people out of line at the DMV or Post Office and throwing them in to a classroom together to learn together and grow together and basically share their lives. It's an extremely effective way to achieve the sometimes elusive quality called "random collision" and the even less desirable "not fun." And since our kids are spending many of their waking hours in the class environment interacting and learning from those classmates and bringing culture viruses and memes home, it's also kind of like inviting the aforementioned discoveries in line at the DMV to come live with us at home.

That raises a whole 'nother subject: "class" is not a rigid social barrier or membrane denoting caste, wealth or opportunity. Sometimes it just means...class. But I digress.

At the pot luck last night, there was a whole half of the gathering I never bumped into, so there will be more discovery later.

This year will be double the fun because we'll go through the same experience all over again tomorrow with my son Diego's kindergarten classmates and their families. And I'm not being sarcastic, I really think it will be fun.

As the former anchor for the CBS News used to say..."Courage".

Saturday, September 1, 2007

Jack Bauer Goes Green

What with all the recent changes to the show 24, I may need to reconsider my boycott. First, they're considering casting a female president on the show this season. Then they announce they are reducing the carbon footprint of the show, with a "carbon neutral" season finale. And now, they announce Janeane Garofalo will be a regular on the show. (Apparently, those things are all true.)

The New Republic has gotten a hold of some of the upcoming episodes, including this one:

EPISODE 1: 12:00 AM - 1:00 AM

advertisement

Int. CTU - day

JACK BAUER talks to JANIS GOLD.

JANIS GOLD
Our source tells us that the terrorists' plan is blow up Broward Dam. This would create mass flooding, cut power to the entire state, and destroy the habitat of the tidewater goby.

JACK BAUER
Dammit! Without that goby, what will our local heron population eat?

JANIS GOLD
Try not to think about that.

JACK BAUER
I can't help it! Every link in the food chain matters!

Jack punches his hand through a wall.

JACK BAUER (CONT'D)
Chloe, get me a schematic of the dam's facilities.

CHLOE O'BRIAN
I'm on it. Let me power up my computer.

Chloe mounts an exercise bike connected to a power generator into which her computer is plugged. She pedals furiously. Her computer slowly boots up.

JANIS GOLD
We don't have much time, Chloe! Pedal harder!

Chloe pedals harder.

JANIS GOLD (CONT'D)
(to Jack, proudly) Did you know that just ten minutes of pedaling powers her computer for an hour?

CHLOE O'BRIAN
Not to mention burns calories and improves my heart health.

Jack nods, impressed and a little inspired.



Int. Dam control room - day

A DAM WORKER, soaking wet, is being held down by two LACKEYS. TERRORIST #1 enters.

TERRORIST #1
Has the American told us how to disable the safety override?

LACKEY #1
He won't talk.

TERRORIST #1
Continue the waterboarding.

The lackeys move to shove the dam worker's head into a tub of water. He struggles.

DAM WORKER
Please, please! Wait!

TERRORIST #1
Yes?

DAM WORKER
Are you gonna just dump this water after you torture me?

TERRORIST #1
Of course not. We have an extensive grey water system. The water will be fed to the shrubbery back at the hideout.

DAM WORKER
Okay, great. Carry on.

The lackeys hold the dam worker's head underwater. He struggles violently. After a few seconds, he is pulled up.

DAM WORKER (CONT'D)
(gasping) Cuz we only have one Earth, you know?

The terrorists murmur their agreement. The lackeys hold the dam worker under again. He flashes the thumbs-up.


Who knows, they might even stop cutting off people's thumbs. Wouldn't that be something crazy liberal?

"We're All New Orleans Now"

There's a great post up at The Mahablog, pulling together several recent articles on Katrina as the signal event of the Bush Administration.

Krugman says, "We're all New Orleans now," noting, as just one example, that

the number of Americans without health insurance jumped. At this point, there are 47 million uninsured people in this country, 8.5 million more than there were in 2000. Mr. Bush may think that being uninsured is no big deal — “you just go to an emergency room” — but the reality is that if you’re uninsured every illness is a catastrophe, your own private Katrina.

Yet the White House press release on the report declared that President Bush was “pleased” with the new numbers. Heckuva job, economy!


E.J. Dionne wonders why the health insurance crisis among poor and middle class Americans doesn't get more attention in the mainstream media. (Maybe it has something to do with the overwhelming influence of lobbyists and money from health care providers?)

The profound disconnect between our political and media institutions and the American public will not be automatically restored when the Republicans are thrown out of office. The failures of government these past six and a half years have convinced a lot of people that government just doesn't work and should not be counted on to fix real problems. And the media clearly is not interested in letting alternative views into the conversation.

Check out Mahablog's post -- and the comments, as well. Good stuff.

Friday, August 31, 2007

Our Limited Choices

If you're wondering what's wrong with American politics these days, it's as simple as this:



UPDATE: You can find more about this graph, and the test behind it, on the Political Compass Web site. You can see where George Bush falls on the scale, compared to other world leaders (far to the right of any others, and almost as authoritarian as Robert Mugabe), and take the test yourself.

Thursday, August 30, 2007

Does Bush Have Any Friends Left?

As Bush casts about for people to fill all the vacancies being created in his Administration, Keith Olbermann asks who he can possibly turn to. The answer? James Moore says Bush has little choice because competent, experienced people don't want to work in the White House right now.

So the pool of applicants is limited to his cronies.

That's why Clay Johnson -- Bush's old roommate and fraternity brother -- may soon head up the Department of Homeland Security. A man with no background in law enforcement, security, or terrorism.

But he was once an executive with Frito Lay. I'm sure he'll do a heck of a job.

Wednesday, August 29, 2007

He had us at "hello"

Larry Craig didn't do himself any favors opening his press conference with "Thank you all very much for coming out today."  H/T to Stub Farlow for the "head's up."



Tuesday, August 28, 2007

Bush now the embarrassing uncle to Republicans

Gary Younge had an interesting column up on the Guardian last week suggesting Bush's dream of realigning American politics is now completely over, and he is seen as a pariah among Republicans.

Bush's problems stem from his method of politics.

Bush did not create the partisan split in America; he inherited it, just as Al Gore would have if he had won the supreme court case in 2000. But while the split was broad (the difference was less than 5% in 13 states from New Mexico to New Hampshire), it was Bush who made it deep and rancorous.

For unlike Thatcher or Reagan he sought to achieve his ends not by exploiting division in order to forge a new, more rightwing consensus but rather to exploit new divisions in order to crush a growing consensus. The majority of the country was, for example, pro-choice and in favour of granting equal rights to gay couples in almost all areas. So the Bush administration chose to leverage gay marriage and late-term abortion - two issues that could act as a wedge - to rally his base. Crude in execution and majoritarian in impulse, it sought not to win over new converts but simply to mobilise dormant constituencies. His legacy will be rightwing policies - but not a more rightwing political culture.


By choosing wedge issues, Bush and Rove hoped to peel away Hispanics, Catholics, and white married women, who traditionally vote Democratic. But his failure to govern -- think the politicization of basic government functions, think Iraq, think Katrina -- kept these constituencies from considering him seriously. Add to that the dust up over immigration reform, and there is no remaining rationale for the Republican Party. "In 2006 Catholics backed the Democrats; white women broke even. According to a Wall Street Journal poll, Americans would prefer the next president to be a Democrat by 52% to 31%."

Now, with his big plan in tatters, a track record of unmitigated disasters, and his Boy Genius gone, Bush is all alone.

There is even talk that Republicans might not invite Bush to their convention. "If they're smart, no," the Republican pollster Tony Fabrizio told Newsweek. "Especially if things don't change in Iraq, we'll have the problem the Democrats had in 1968 with Lyndon Johnson and Vietnam. The question becomes: where do we hide the president?"


Poor George. Without any successes in his life to point to, he now finds himself alone, as the Republican Party -- and the country -- try to figure out how to undo the damage he's done.

I guess the GOP is deciding the first order of business is to hide the source of their embarrassment. Now if only they'll take away the keys.

Thursday, August 23, 2007

Bush's Immigration Policy: Why he's really for it

From Huffington Post:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2007/08/23/top-gop-leader-bush-empl_n_61535.html

Breaking Politics News, U.S. Republican Party, George W. Bush
stumbleupon :Top GOP Leader: Bush Employs Thousands Of Undocumented Workers digg: Top GOP Leader: Bush Employs Thousands Of Undocumented Workers reddit: Top GOP Leader: Bush Employs Thousands Of Undocumented Workers del.icio.us: Top GOP Leader: Bush Employs Thousands Of Undocumented Workers

If President Bush is serious about getting tough on U.S. employers who hire illegal aliens, he can start with his own administration, which employs thousands of unauthorized workers, says the top Republican on the House immigration subcommittee.

A 2006 audit showed federal, state and local governments are among the biggest employers of the half-million persons in the U.S. illegally using "non-work" Social Security numbers -- numbers issued legally, but with specific instructions that the holders are not authorized to work in the U.S.

Tuesday, August 21, 2007

James Moore: The News is Nuts

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jim-moore/the-news-is-nuts_b_61275.html

Posted August 21, 2007 | 12:13 PM (EST)


"The wild roller coaster sells the amusement park tickets, not the merry-go-round."
- Chris Newlin, Eclectic Productions, Houston

There is no doubt the news is nuts. And the evidence is in every story and broadcast we hear, see, or read. Without conflict or drama, the news is uninteresting and when there is no conflict or drama, it must be manufactured.

"Hurricane Dean is approaching Central Mexico but that doesn't mean those of us in Houston are yet out of the Cone of Danger!!!! We are watching a high pressure system over Texas and if it weakens this storm could turn north right up the Gulf Coast and devastate every city in its path. Hell, it might even back up, go out in the gulf, power up to a category 5, and then run back on shore throwing giant waves, horrendous winds, and millions of illegal immigrants at us!!! Be prepared."

Sure, that's hyperbole, but it's also based in fact and protocol. TV weather people sound distraught when the storm misses their towns. Even political reporters would turn maudlin when disagreement turned to compromise. Who cares about resolution? Congress has to fight the president and he has to be contemptuous of Congress or there are no viewers and if there are no viewers there is no advertising and if there is no advertising there is no money and if there is no money there is no Wolf Blitzer. Hey, wait a minute, is that a bad thing?

Recent subpoenas issued by the Senate Judiciary Committee regarding the president's warrantless domestic wiretapping program caused Blitzer to say over and over and over that the Democrats were taking on the White House. He just would not have it any other way, (as first pointed out by Media Matters) regardless of what his own correspondents were telling him. Wolf had his storyline and he was sticking to it. Two of the correspondents he had just interviewed, and political analyst Paul Begala, had all pointed out to Wolf that the three most senior Republicans on the committee had sided with the Democrats in issuing the subpoenas. Cooperation by the two parties on this controversy was not a development that interested Mr. Blitzer, however, so he ignored information from his own experts and kept repeating the notion that "it's the latest in a series of showdowns between congressional Democrats and the White House."

On camera, Dana Bash tried to subtly correct the anchorbeard by explaining the overwhelming vote and its political implications. "That means that many, if not most, of the Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee actually thought that this was a good idea because this warrantless surveillance program has certainly been controversial in both parties, Wolf."

Elaine Quijano, who was also on one of the big screens in the situation room and was covering the subpoena story, reminded Blitzer of what he had just been told, apparently hoping the two correspondents could get him correctly on the record. "But as we heard Dana just point out," Quijano explained, "This was a bipartisan vote, Wolf, so Republicans are also on board with this. Wolf?"

The situation in the situation room was getting increasingly lame. Ignoring both of his correspondents, the newsman brought in Begala and asked him a question that made it sound like Blitzer had heard nothing that had just been said.

"Is there a possibility," he wanted to know, "that the Democrats might overreach in issuing all of these subpoenas, Paul, to this Republican administration? Sort of the way that Republicans overreached during the Clinton administration when you were a key figure in the White House? You understand the question?"

Begala explained to the tunnel-visioned Blitzer that the vote had been 13-3, which indicated that the majority of Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee were behind the idea. Wolf, though he had now been told three times, must have been looking at those paltry ratings numbers for the situation room because when the next hour of his show was broadcast at 7 p.m. that evening, he hadn't relented from his narrative. Wolf needed what the fiction writers refer to as "dramatic tension" and he wasn't about to surrender it, regardless of whether his own reportorial staff was telling him he had it all wrong.

"Tonight," Wolf said, as the soundtrack thumped beneath the shadows cast by his beard and furrowed brow, "a potential constitutional confrontation between congressional Democrats and the White House in the making, happening now."

Nah, not really. It wasn't happening now or earlier in the day or ever, actually. It was only happening in Wolfworld, where the armies of Armageddon have assembled, goodness and light have collided with the great dark, and only Wolf can sort it out. So stay tuned; it's all coming up next on the situation room.

I am not sure if life imitates art or art imitates life or they just bang their heads together regularly to no purpose. But Wolf's intransigence reminds me a scene in The Shipping News, the fine Annie Proulx novel turned into a movie. One of the central characters, Quoyle, has just landed a job at a small town paper and is getting a bit of advice from the publisher/editor on how to write a good piece.

Billy: It's finding the center of your story, the beating heart of it, that's what makes a reporter. You have to start by making up some headlines. You know: short, punchy, dramatic headlines. Now, have a look, what do you see? [Points at dark clouds at the horizon]

Billy: Tell me the headline.

Quoyle: Horizon Fills With Dark Clouds?

Billy: Imminent Storm Threatens Village.

Quoyle: But what if no storm comes?

Billy: Village Spared From Deadly Storm.

This happened to me in Omaha about 25 years ago when I was a young TV news correspondent. There was a forecast for a blizzard to dump a foot of snow on the city but "tragedy was narrowly averted" as the storm went north about 30 miles. Unfortunately, we had dispatched several crews to sound the alarm of impending chaos and to save ourselves from looking stupid we had to do a follow-up story the next day to explain. An editor had heard the storm might have done damage to a little college town named Blair, which was about a half hour north. I was ordered to fly up in the news chopper and survey the potential devastation. The mayor met me at the airstrip for an interview.

"You have any problems yesterday, Mr. Mayor?"

"Aw, no. We got the folks out of the college and everybody home early. It wasn't bad at all."

"Were you able to keep the roads clear?"

"Sure, not that much snow, really. You can see."

I sure could. From the helicopter, brown cornstalks dominated the landscape and there were a few white spots of old drifts from a previous snowfall. Stupidly, I went on the air and reported, "It also snowed in Blair yesterday. They too plowed their streets. But they also avoided problems as the snowfall was just as minimal as it was in Omaha. As you can see from our Action News Chopper, there was hardly any snow on the ground in Blair this morning."

I kept my job. Barely.

In the nascent days of TV, Ernie Kovacs was famously quoted as saying, "Television is called a medium because it is neither rare nor well-done." But it's not even a medium any more, especially television news.

It could be, though, if anyone had the courage to give it a try.

Saturday, August 18, 2007

Democrats and Libertarians: A new longterm alliance?

When I read lead stories like this in the New York Times:

WASHINGTON, Aug. 18 - Broad new surveillance powers approved by Congress this month could allow the Bush administration to conduct spy operations that go well beyond wiretapping to include - without court approval - certain types of physical searches of American citizens and the collection of their business records, Democratic Congressional officials and other experts said.


...I begin to wonder if Democrats and Libertarians may be finding good reason soon to align for the long  term.  It used to be that Democrats and Lib's held each other in mutual suspicion--Dem's being the party of the "nanny state" or "big government." Civil liberties was always there as common ground, but there was common ground on the "leave the individual alone" front with Republicans, too.

Now, after 7 years of Bush-Cheney big brotherist-like tactics, I have to wonder if Republicans can ever plausibly lay claim to libertarian territory. Look at Giulani and Romney--their position is more secret prisons, more surveillance, more security, less liberty. Permanent war requires permanent suspension of the Bill of Rights.

Who will stand up against such incursions on the Republican side? When will that party dislodge itself from the Rovian security for election wins strategy? My guess is...they've got nothing else to run on for a long time. Fiscal restraint is gone. Small government is gone. They have nothing but security as their issue and that means more 1984 style violations of privacy and civil rights. Can the American people stomach that? Methinks not. Me hopes not.

Friday, August 17, 2007

RAW STORY - Bill Moyers: 'Greed and God won four elections in a row' for Rove

http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Bill_Moyers_Greed_and_God_won_0816.html

08/16/2007 @ 9:21 pm

Filed by David Edwards and Muriel Kane

Bill Moyers will consider the departure of Karl Rove in a video essay released early by PBS to RAW STORY. Moyers, a Texan like Rove and Bush, is not easily swayed by the commentators and administration figures who have been quick to describe Rove as "brilliant ... mastermind ... boy genius."

"Karl Rove figured out a long time ago," says Moyers, "that the way to take an intellectually incurious, draft-averse naughty playboy in a flight jacket with chewing tobacco in his back pocket and make him governor of Texas was to sell him as God's anointed."

"Rove turned religion into a weapon of political combat," explains Moyers. "Never mind that in stroking the base's bigotry of true believers you coarsen both politics and religion."

"Rove was also shaking down corporations for campaign cash," Moyers continues. "Crony capitalism became a biblical injunction. Greed and God won four elections in a row. ... But the result has been to leave Texas under the thumb of big money, with huge holes ripped in its social contact, and the US government in shambles."

Moyers' final reaction to Rove's departure is to wonder, given that Rove has "confessed to friends his own agnosticism ... how all those folks on the Christian right must feel discovering they were used for partisan reasons by a skeptic, a secular manipulator."

Partial transcript:

What struck me about my fellow Texan, Karl Rove, is that he knew how to win elections as if they were divine interventions. You may think God summoned Billy Graham to Florida on the eve of the 2000 election to endorse George W. Bush just in the nick of time, but if it did happen that way, the good lord was speaking in a Texas accent.

Karl Rove figured out a long time ago that the way to take an intellectually incurious draft-averse naughty playboy in a flight jacket with chewing tobacco in his back pocket and make him governor of Texas, was to sell him as God’s anointed in a state where preachers and televangelists outnumber even oil derricks and jack rabbits. Using church pews as precincts Rove turned religion into a weapon of political combat -- a battering ram, aimed at the devil’s minions, especially at gay people.

It’s so easy, as Karl knew, to scapegoat people you outnumber, and if God is love, as rumor has it, Rove knew that, in politics, you better bet on fear and loathing. Never mind that in stroking the basest bigotry of true believers you coarsen both politics and religion.

At the same time he was recruiting an army of the lord for the born-again Bush, Rove was also shaking down corporations for campaign cash. Crony capitalism became a biblical injunction. Greed and God won four elections in a row - twice in the lone star state and twice again in the nation at large. But the result has been to leave Texas under the thumb of big money with huge holes ripped in its social contract, and the U.S. government in shambles - paralyzed, polarized, and mired in war, debt and corruption.

Rove himself is deeply enmeshed in some of the scandals being investigated as we speak, including those missing emails that could tell us who turned the attorney general of the United States into a partisan sockpuppet. Rove is riding out of Dodge city as the posse rides in. At his press conference this week he asked God to bless the president and the country, even as reports were circulating that he himself had confessed to friends his own agnosticism; he wished he could believe, but he cannot. That kind of intellectual honesty is to be admired, but you have to wonder how all those folks on the Christian right must feel discovering they were used for partisan reasons by a skeptic, a secular manipulator. On his last play of the game all Karl Rove had to offer them was a hail mary pass, while telling himself there’s no one there to catch it.

The video will appear on Friday on PBS's Bill Moyers Journal at: http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/index-flash.html

Wednesday, August 15, 2007

Tuesday, August 14, 2007

Americans United: Trouble In Texas - School Board Chairman Seeks Religion In Science Class

The Texas Freedom Network (TFN) on Tuesday revealed a side of “intelligent design” proponents rarely seen by the public at large. The group released a transcript  and recording of an extraordinarily candid speech given in 2005 by recently named State Board of Education Chairman Ron McLeroy.

McLeroy told a gathering at Grace Bible Church in BryanTexas, of his efforts to expunge evolution from the state’s high school biology textbooks. “Back in November 2003, we finished [the]…adoption process for the biology textbooks in Texas…. I want to tell you all the arguments made by all the intelligent-design group, all the creationist intelligent design people, I can guarantee the other side heard exactly nothing,” he said.

He went on, condemning other Christian board members for not following his lead.

“[T]he four really conservative, orthodox Christians on the board were the only ones who were willing to stand up to the textbooks and say they don’t present the weaknesses of evolution,” he said. “Amazing.”

He admonished the audience not to bicker over the finer points of creationism because they were united under a “big tent” against evolution.

“Whether you’re a progressive creationist, recent creationist, young-Earth, old-Earth, it’s all in the tent of intelligent design,” McLeroy said. “And intelligent design here at Grace Bible Church is actually a smaller tent than you would have in the intelligent design movement as a whole, because we are all Biblical literalists…. So because it’s a bigger tent, just don’t waste our time arguing with each other about…all of the side issues.”

“Modern science today,” McLeroy complained, “is totally based on naturalism,” thus “it is the naturalistic base that is [our] target.” 

The remainder of McLeroy’s speech focused on strategy.  He quoted fondly from Phillip Johnson’s “Wedge Document,” which has as its purpose to “defeat scientific materialism and its destructive moral, cultural, and political legacies” and “to replace materialistic explanations with the theistic understanding that nature and human beings are created by God.”

Following a long spiel about biblical truth, McLeroy told the audience to ignore intelligent design’s religious foundation when talking to the general public. Not to worry though, the “time to address [Biblical issues] will be after we have separated materialistic prejudice from scientific fact.”

The second step, he said, is to point out that evolution wrongly depends on “naturalism;” that supernaturalism or divine influences are unfairly excluded from the conversation. Finally, forget the scientists and target people without a firm grasp on evolutionary theory.

McLeroy lamented the fact that he failed to convince fellow board members that “are good, strong Christians” to see it his way in 2003.  Even though they were active in church, he said, they didn’t even care that evolution conflicted with their Christian worldview. He was sure he would have gotten a few more votes if he’d just mentioned evolution ignores God.

So, step one: lie about your motives; step two: change the definition of science; step three: target the most impressionable among you.

McLeroy’s perspective is incredibly dangerous. His effort to replace science with theology has implications not just for Texas, but for school children nationwide.Texas is a major market for textbook publishers because it has so many children in its public system. Therefore, the textbooks available to school districts around the country tend to reflect Texas school officials’ choices.

TFN’s press release noted that the 2006 school board elections shifted the balance of power, giving McLeroy and his allies a slim majority. The board is slated to revise science standards this school year.

By Lauren Smith